Word: stops
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Dates: during 1960-1969
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...damage to the national interest," a move clearly encouraged by the New York transit strike. Almost certainly that proposal will mean revisions in the Taft-Hartley Act, which has no teeth when it comes to dealing with walkouts by public employees, and gives the Government no legal leverage to stop a national strike once a mandatory 80-day cooling-off period has expired. On the other hand, Johnson promised to try again for repeal of Tart-Hartley's Section 14b, the celebrated "right-to-work" clause that allows states to outlaw union shops. He also asked Congress to "improve...
They were not without the ambiguities inevitable in the delicate and maddeningly complex problems of a war that is as political as it is military. But taken together, they spelled out in total clarity the gut issue in Viet Nam: that North Viet Nam must stop its aggressions on and subversion of South Viet Nam. The U.S. asked no more-but would accept no less...
...talk. That failed; so all through the summer of last year the President weighed the obvious alternative: a cessation of bombing to encourage Hanoi to discuss peace. Moscow, Peking, Hanoi, and even Western European capitals kept insisting that the sine qua non of opening communications with Hanoi was a stop to the bombing. Last May the U.S. tried a five-day pause. It produced not a single "signal" of a softening on the Communist side, but critics both at home and abroad replied that five days was far too short a time to allow Hanoi to signal a reaction...
...When to Stop Fighting. Despite the U.S. proposal that "a cessation of hostilities could be the first order of business at a conference," high American officials in Saigon and Washington warn that the U.S. should do just the opposite, maintaining and perhaps increasing military pressure until discussions are successfully concluded. In his book, How Communists Negotiate, Admiral C. Turner Joy (ret.), the U.N.'s chief negotiator in Korea, charges that Washington's early agreement to a truce line at the Panmunjom peace talks in 1951 "was the turning point of the armistice conference. Thereafter, we lacked the essential...
...thing to get the ball, and another to move it. To beat the Browns, the Packers knew they would have to stop Jim Brown, put constant pressure on Cleveland Quarterback Frank Ryan so that he could not throw the "bomb" to Paul Warfield or Gary Collins. The first job fell to Packer Linebacker Ray Nitschke. "Brown was my big heat," Nitschke said afterward. "I keyed on him 85% of the time." The measure of his success was that in the crucial second half Brown gained a grand total of 9 yds. Ryan was the responsibility of the whole Packer line...