Word: strikingly
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Dates: during 1970-1979
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...liberals "didn't think the institution was collapsing or the age of barbarians had begun. It still seemed to us possible to talk to anyone, even with the student radicals with whom we disagreed," he adds. This belief in communication the liberals say is one legacy of the strike. Hoffmann notes, "There are better relationships between administration, faculty and students--more openness, more sense of community." Of student complaints that their input into decision-making is at best token, the liberals say that students, after all, had no input at all ten years ago. "There is a tendency on students...
...issue that seemed to remain was who was on each caucus," Walzer notes. Ten years later, both sides assert that current Faculty alignments do not reflect the old caucus divisions. But attitudinal differences still persist, and liberals and conservatives divide on the deep-seated causes and results of the strike. Liberals consistently emphasize the antiquated administrative and decision-making structure of the University, and believe the strike exposed these inadequacies. "It helped change a very archaic governance at Harvard--the place had a totally outmoded communication network from the top to the lowly, and it helped to re-establish communication...
...caucuses first compromised on the resolution that set up the Committee of 15, the disciplinary body established after the strike. The liberals won their goal of placing voting student members on the committee, in return for approving the conservatives plan for electing committee members by majority vote instead of proportional representation. The caucuses also agreed on the final shape of the Afro-American Studies Department and the structure of the Faculty Council. These divisive issues, which months of Faculty meetings had been unable to resolve earlier in the year, were decided with surprisingly large margins because of compromises and preliminary...
...decline in students' political interests, and on the unavoidable realities of running a university such as Harvard. "It seemed to happen overnight. I woke up one morning and there were fewer political organizations," Walzer says. And, as Thomson ruefully summarizes the lasting gains and eroding gains of the strike: "If it hadn't happened there wouldn't have been as much student input as you get these days. But the problem was that students were transients, and ultimately the power lies with those who are here forever...
Former students say they learned to think twice before accepting authority, learned to be more thoughtful, more introspective about their lives. Fallows, for example, planned on being a journalist long before the strike. As The Crimson's president in 1969, he sought to keep "journalistic objectivity," a stand which he says earned him the label of conservative even among some of his fellow college reporters. Despite his attempt to keep distance between himself and the events around him--events which make him "glad to have been at college in 1969 instead of 1979, even though it was probably...