Word: suburbanity
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Dates: during 1970-1979
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...President. Washington. D.C. was "dazzling with pink cherry and magnolia blossoms, and deluged with tourists. One morning nearly 10,000 visitors queued up to tour the White House. Along the black iron White House fence 37 women, mainly suburban housewives, chained themselves in protest against the Viet Nam War. Peace marchers are about to descend on Washington en masse (see following story), but the city seems unperturbed. On the Capitol lawn, a group of Democratic presidential hopefuls, including Senators Birch Bayh of Indiana. Henry Jackson of Washington, and Harold Hughes of Iowa, startled passers-by as they sat down...
...bond issue referendums on the ballot to raise funds for public works projects. The banks were delighted at the prospect of bidding on the profitable bonds. He announced that high-rise apartments were the administration's official answer to the suburban exodus, and that the lake front and the central city would someday bristle with residential skyscrapers. The banks and real estate interests were enthralled. Planned expressways, all of them leading to the downtown business section, would be put on a hurry-up, round-the-clock schedule, and more parking garages would be built to accommodate the motorized shoppers...
...GREAT bombshell of The State and the Poor, at least to its authors, is the new suburban character of poverty. Working back to 1960 census data, they deny that the central cities are tending to become the exclusive home of the poor. Instead, the poor are rapidly dispersing into the population as a whole, following new job opportunities into the suburbs- seeking more space, better housing, better schools. Poverty here has almost nothing to do with race or central cities. State programs aimed exclusively for blacks will not only alienate the white suburbs but miss 95 per cent...
Such statistics, the authors feel, will somehow persuade suburban homeowners to pay more taxes for education in the ghettos. In the epilogue, Richard Barringer writes that poverty can and should be defined with special relevance to the lives of those who have access to the political system and can provide a lasting base of support- the middle class. But the "special relevance" sought by Barringer could backfire on the poverty program. Far from making welfare more acceptable to suburban whites, the new migration could make it just more repugnant. The political issue would become not poverty but the policy question...
...odor, shrewd advocates of an antipoverty program will at least recognize the role of grass roots support. They will see the state government as more than the Governor and his planners. The fiscal restraints and constitutional restrictions on the poverty program reinforce the political clout of the state legislature. Suburban and rural legislators must be given an early vested interest in the design of the antipoverty effort. If not, their sniping and buffeting could make it an easy political target. As it is, they will have to answer for the state functions which invade the fiefdoms of local politics, structures...