Word: successful
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Dates: during 1970-1979
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...than its competitors could. Kroc developed computer-run fryers that adjusted themselves to each potato stick, assuring a uniform munchability of each french fry. The consistent quality such techniques enforced in every stand endeared McDonald's to Americans with their stable habits. The franchises began to reproduce phenomenally. A success story within the success story was that Kroc's personal secretary, who in those struggling early years took company stock in lieu of salary and soon found herself with $70 million...
...explains why what was almost a capitalist fairy tale has had a predictable ending. This complex works strange effects on recent entrants to the ruling class. Once they make it on to the ship of state or of class, they try their hardest to pull in the gangplank to success along with them. As McDonald's reached Fortune 500 status in the late 60's, it turned its back on its entrepreneurial origins. Kroc had touted the franchising scheme, for instance, as a kind of popularization of big business, an opportunity to return...
...moral of the McDonald's success story is not that every little poor boy can become chairman of the board with enough sweat and strain. The many skeletons in the McDonald's refrigerators disprove this. It was not the invisible hand of the free market but the iron-gloved fist of corporate greed which flipped the burgers that made McDonald...
...approach to unemployment: he's for the Humphrey-Hawkins bill. If ever there was a design for fascism, that's it. Fascism was really the basis for the New Deal. It was Mussolini's success in Italy, with his government-directed economy, that led the early New Dealers to say, "But Mussolini keeps the trains running on time." The Humphrey-Hawkins bill calls for the same kind of planned economy, and that would mark the end of the free marketplace in this country...
With 610 delegates in hand (needed to nominate: 1,505), Carter has decided to spend fewer 16-hr, days on the campaign trail and more time trying to unite the party behind him-a goal that eluded George McGovern in 1972 and Hubert Humphrey in 1968. With some success, he solicited support at the meeting of black Democratic leaders in Charlotte, N.C. (see following story), then spent several days at home in Plains, Ga., phoning scores of Democratic union leaders, members of Congress, Governors, mayors, state and local party chiefs. Among those he wooed were Democratic Chairman Robert Strauss, former...