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...screens in Nevada can detect "patterns of life analyses," or timelines of movements and meetings in any given area. But the drones' utility is dramatically enhanced when analysts know exactly what they're looking for and where. For that, there's nothing better than human intelligence. Reports from Waziristan suggest the CIA has access to a network of spies. Tribesmen have told TIME of agents who drop microchips (locally known as patrai) near targets; the drones can lock onto these to guide their missiles or bombs with pinpoint precision. But it has proved difficult to verify these claims of human...
...tell TIME that major Latin broker countries like Brazil are stepping in now to help hammer out a deal palatable to both Washington and Havana - one that would probably demand a lesser gesture of democratic commitment on Cuba's part, like the release of political prisoners. But they also suggest that the General Assembly may end up deciding to simply hold a yearlong "dialogue" on the matter, to allow the U.S. and Cuba to ease into a compromise that would be unveiled...
...only 6% of patients who saw the video had changed their preference for care, compared with 29% of those who did not see the video. People who saw the video also scored higher on health literacy tests, given by the researchers to judge knowledge of advanced dementia. "The results suggest that patients who watched the video had a better understanding of the disease and felt more secure in their decision. We felt those results were promising, as the goal for end-of-life decisions is to make sure [the patients] are informed," Volandes says...
...part, that's because few overdose victims get immediate medical treatment. While most overdoses take place in the presence of other people (surveys of heroin users suggest that 58% to 86% were not alone when an overdose occurred), many bystanders don't call the authorities for help, usually because they're high themselves. Naloxone kits can be crucial in these circumstances...
...researchers who unearthed the new documents say there was no evidence in the files to suggest that Kurras was acting on direct Stasi orders to kill Ohnesorg. But the discovery that it was a Stasi spy who shot him has raised new questions about the history of the student movement. Prime among them: how might the student protest movement have developed if Germans had known at the time that Kurras was in the pay of the East German secret police? The question is all the more sensitive since that movement spawned the Red Army Faction, postwar Europe's most deadly...