Word: taxingly
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Dates: during 1990-1999
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...foundations transferred $2.4 million to another foundation that owns the Spectator. The magazine turned over much of that money to Stephen Boynton, a Virginia attorney and conservative activist, who spread it around to hunt down stories about the President through various means, including private detectives. The possibility that the tax-exempt money was misused--which could jeopardize the tax-exempt status of the Spectator--was apparently troubling to the magazine's longtime publisher, Ronald E. Burr. Last year he demanded an audit by an outside accounting firm. In October, Burr was abruptly fired by Spectator editor in chief R. Emmett...
...almost surely won't impanel another one. The grand jury has not brought an indictment in two years, and sources familiar with the investigation say just one is in the works. Starr is said to be making another run at Clinton's pal Webster Hubbell, this time on tax charges. The problem is, Hubbell didn't provide any useful testimony in 1994, when Starr convicted him of bilking clients and partners at the Rose law firm. He isn't any more likely to do so now. And Hubbell isn't the only one who has stymied Starr. Clinton's former...
...shift, to shag, to shag her silly, to shag her rotten, to loc the dinky, to plow the muddy road, to donkey-punch, to get some action, to hit that shit, to get some, to bunt, to get on, to shack up, to bless, HBI, to go south, to tax that ass, to hit that, to get laid, to hump, to bang bang bang bang bang...
...administration was undeterred by the absence of legislative support for the tax. (You'd think something like the Constitution required Congress to approve taxes.) It turned to the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) chair William Kennard, who obsequiously obliged the administration's wishes. Last December, Kennard issued a FCC order implementing the tax. The order--or more precisely, the ukase--came with no public notification, which is required...
...implemented by the FCC, long-distance companies such as AT&T, MCI and Sprint pay the tax revenue directly to the federal government. Naturally unwilling to sacrifice profits, the long-distance companies passed the tax along to consumers. Fearing customer criticism for an apparent rate hike, the long-distance companies also planned to list the new tax as a line item on long-distance bills. The liberals responsible for the tax would not tolerate such disclosure, however, so the FCC and the vice president's office leaned on the companies to hide the tax in exchange for slower implementation...