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...fund had its origins in Brandeis's fruitless efforts, through Frankfurter, to stop the 1927 execution of Sacco and Vanzetti: in total, more than $50,000 passed from Brandeis to Frankfurter, before the latter joined the bench in 1939, an appointee of President Franklin D. Roosevelt '04, for whom he--like Brandeis for Wilson--had become an inner-circle adviser...

Author: By Paul A. Engelmayer, | Title: A Question of Propriety | 4/20/1982 | See Source »

...scathing article for the Atlantic Monthly, Frankfurter argued the need for criminal justice reform after Sacco and Vanzetti were convicted and sentenced to death. In 1933 he engineered John Maynard Keynes' open letter to Franklin D. Roosevelt in the New York Times, urging the President to forsake balancing the budget and adopt deficit spending to spark the economy, a position favored by Brandeis...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Books: Powerbrokers THE BRANDEIS FRANKFURTER CONNECTION: | 3/8/1982 | See Source »

...neurotic. Fifteen years after his death, Frankfurter remains one of the most influential jurists of this century. Yet while serving on the U.S. Supreme Court, he increasingly failed to sway his colleagues. He was an early supporter of the American Civil Liberties Union and a defender of Sacco and Vanzetti. Yet, as a Justice, he spent 24 years vainly trying to halt the high court's historic expansion of individual rights...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Books: Complex Justice | 6/1/1981 | See Source »

...also met Heywood Broun, a columnist for the World, a Harvard graduate who attacked former President Lowell for encouraging the execution of Sacco and Vanzetti. O'Hara agreed with Broun's views and began writing for his newspaper...

Author: By Robert F. Deitch, | Title: A Rage To Live | 2/25/1981 | See Source »

...paid a price for his analytical purity. Frequently, as Steel claims, "Lippmann's concern with the process of government made him lose sight of the human drama involved." Indeed, heated emotions exasperated him. His columns on the imminent executions of Sacco and Vanzetti seem peculiarly bloodless, especially since he privately believed that an injustice had been done. In 1938 he supported a Southern-led filibuster against a federal antilynching law, arguing that "if the spirit of democracy is to be maintained, a minority must never be coerced unless the reasons for coercing it are decisive and overwhelming." Steel adds...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Books: Austere Moralist, Fallible Man | 9/8/1980 | See Source »

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