Word: virginia
(lookup in dictionary)
(lookup stats)
Dates: during 1950-1959
Sort By: most recent first
(reverse)
...eventually voted against the bill) insisted on adding the kiss of death, i.e., a rider (the Powell amendment of last session) withholding federal funds from segregated schools, thereby gave Northern Congressmen an opportunity to make a liberal record by backing him. When all others had finished their say, Virginia's wily Howard Smith moved to strike the bill's enacting clause. Democrat Smith's motion carried by a vote of 208 (111 Republicans, 97 Democrats) to 203 (77 Republicans, 126 Democrats), with such Administration bellwethers as Indiana's Charles Halleck and Illinois' Leslie Arends voting...
...cities was worked out over months of secret meetings in restaurants and hotels, was designed to take the heat off any single board. In large part, the decision stemmed from self-interest. North Carolina attorneys feared that without any proof of integration the U.S. courts (as they did in Virginia) would strike down the state's 1955 law, making local boards responsible for assigning pupils to schools as a subterfuge for maintaining segregation. Moreover, state schoolmen felt that North Carolinians would accept do-it-yourself integration more readily than the inevitable court-ordered kind. Nevertheless, in making the first...
...South, is by no means as widespread as many Northern civil rights advocates believe. Through Texas, Arkansas and the Border States, Negroes not only register and vote but make such an impact at local-election levels that both parties bid for their support. In North Carolina, South Carolina, Virginia and Florida, urban Negroes generally register and vote, while rural Negroes do not. The greatest concentration of civil rights violations at the polls lies in four states of the Deep South, and the statistics readily prove the point...
...Negroes' right to vote that marked Reconstruction days has long since given place to more subtle methods. The white primary is no more. The poll tax, though still in force in five Southern states, has lost most of its economic bite, but is sometimes used (notably in Virginia), as a device for confusing Negroes and poor whites out of their chance to register...
Carrying out the careful strategy laid down by Georgia's Richard Brevard Russell, Southern Senators were busily infiltrating Northern lines with Old South courtesy, sowing confusion with legalisms, and arguing more in sorrow than in anger against the Administration's civil rights bill. But somehow Virginia's old warrior, Harry Flood Byrd, failed to get the word. One day last week he rose up in the Senate in fine old-fashioned Southern style to attack the civil rights bill head...