Word: west
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Dates: during 1950-1959
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...this looked fine to Nikita Khrushchev. Indeed, even before the Camp David decision, he had seen what was coming and, in high good humor, summoned newsmen to the Kremlin for his second press conference since taking power (see FOREIGN NEWS). He told how his six-month deadline for the West to meet his Berlin demands had not really been hard and fast, and he accepted-without being formally notified-the May 11 date for the foreign ministers' conference, probably in Geneva. But real results, he said, could only come at the summit: "Let's put in the heavyweights...
...Britain were committed, and in the months to come their energies would be turned to working out the mechanics of the summit conference, and, far more important, their differences over such basic free-world policies as Berlin and the unification of Germany. The leaders of East and West had last met at the summit at Geneva in 1955. Hopes were high then for an end to the cold war-and because those hopes were shattered by Soviet obduracy and Khrushchev's hippodroming, the phony spirit of Geneva may have done more harm than good. In 1959 the U.S. moves...
...chair while the group posed for photographs under an Eisenhower oil portrait of Winston Churchill. The visit to Dulles, planned to last only 30 minutes, stretched on for nearly an hour as the leaders of the U.S. and Britain got down to the crisis of Berlin and West Germany. Indomitable John Foster Dulles drove home a vital point: let's talk about East-West negotiations but not deals-and any negotiations must be two-sided, with the Soviets granting concrete concessions for every concession granted by the West...
...conference when he said that there were other ways of arriving at reunification. Macmillan view: since Khrushchev will never agree to "immediate free elections," there is no sense in talking about them in connection with Berlin, as the U.S. insists. British spokesmen last week said that Macmillan had persuaded West Germany's Konrad Adenauer that reunification should be dropped down on the list of Western priorities. Tentative outcome of the Eisenhower-Macmillan talks: the U.S. may not insist on "immediate free elections," even while requiring some sort of yet-to-be-defined "free expression" by all the Germans...
Control of Berlin. Longstanding U.S. view: the West has unimpeachable legal rights and moral responsibilities in West Berlin, which stands as an oasis of freedom in the desert of Communism. Macmillan view: some kind of undefined "internationalization," e.g., a bringing in of control representatives from neutral nations or a U.N. commission, may be possible. The U.S. still argues that any change in the status of West Berlin must be accompanied, at the minimum, by a similar change for East Berlin...