Word: whig
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...instinct, manifest in America's dozens of "little Dublins," emerged institutions, like New York City's notorious Tammany Hall, that would transform the quality and character of urban politics in America. As early as 1852, the immigrant vote (principally Irish) was so important that Winfield Scott, the staunchly Protestant Whig candidate for President, ecumenically attended Sunday Mass on campaign visits to New York. Some 210,000 Irish fought during the Civil War, 170,000 of them on the Union side...
Geography kicks into the equation as well. Bush hails from Texas, Clinton from Arkansas. The last time two Southerners squared off in a presidential race was in 1844, when James Polk, a Democrat from Tennessee, defeated Henry Clay, a Whig from Kentucky. In 1832, Andrew Jackson, another Tennessee Democrat, also defeated Clay...
Northerners were easier on Rutherford B. Hayes than the experts in other regions. The South had a special feeling for the last Whig, Millard Fillmore. The Midwest gave Truman and Ike an edge. In almost every instance, a historian studying a specific President was more sympathetic to him. Military historians downgraded the Naval Academy's own Jimmy Carter. Afro-American historians rated Jefferson relatively lower; Western and Frontier historians put him higher...
...there been so ecumenical a chorus of concern. The signers of the seven-point declaration included the leaders of the Southern Baptist Convention, the United Methodist Church, the Lutheran Church in America, the Episcopal Church and the United Church of Christ. The political spectrum ranged from right-whig TV Evangelist Jerry Falwell to Bishop James Armstrong, the liberal Methodist who heads the National Council of Churches. Twenty-three Roman Catholic bishops added their names, as did Jewish Leaders Albert Vorspan and Rabbi Wolfe Kelman. The prestige of the clergymen, as well as the wide variety of their views on religious...
When the mystery of the anonymous official was resolved, a spokesman said that Reagan's remarks were "in jest" and that he agreed with Haig's view. But Haig, by then, was restating his position in response to right-whig dismay over the possibility of involving the Soviets in a Central American settlement. His clarification: "Salvador is at once a global, a regional and a local problem. That does not mean, nor did it ever mean, that the Soviets, or the Cubans for that matter, must be invited to the negotiating table." Said an aide: "The boss...