Word: whips
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...tell voters to support or oppose a candidate. For example, a group called Citizens for Better Medicare, which spent about $30 million on ads opposing Bill Clinton's proposal for extending Medicare to cover prescription drugs, is funded by pharmaceutical companies but won't say which ones. House majority whip Tom DeLay, the loudest congressional opponent of shining a light on 527 groups, is tied to a more opaque one called the Republican Majority Issues Coalition, which has vowed to spend up to $25 million supporting the G.O.P. in the upcoming election--but won't say where the dough...
...wouldn't they buy the best political offices? And Congress squelches any attempt to change the system. Last week John McCain tried to curb a burgeoning money scam by forcing special-interest groups secretly backing candidates to clearly disclose who they are and what they are doing. But majority whip Tom DeLay's troops killed the Senate-backed reform in the House. Against that backdrop, Corzine's spending looks clean: at least he's using his own money, rather than being helped by the ads of obscure allies expecting favors in return...
This time around, though, the ad was sponsored by a secretive tax-exempt group called Shape the Debate, which has ties to former G.O.P. California Governor Pete Wilson. Shape the Debate and its kin, including three groups tied to House G.O.P. whip Tom DeLay, don't have to disclose their donors or their spending so long as they don't say "vote for" or "vote against" a candidate. Also, they're not supposed to coordinate their work with that of a candidate...
Giuliani, of course, stands to suffer more politically from this mess - this is the mayor who styles himself as something of an autocrat, who enjoys cracking the whip every once in a while. He's all about law and order. For Pete's sake, he tried to stamp out jaywalking in New York City. So how could this attack take place in his city, on his watch, with the oft-chastened NYPD on the scene...
McAuliffe's success lies partly in the fact that he can tap the treasuries of both labor and industry, the far ends of the Democratic empire. While one of his mentors, former House whip Tony Coehlo, got Washington lobbies to spread their largesse to probusiness Democrats in the 1980s, young McAuliffe hit the road to find new donors in law firms, mid-size businesses and real estate brokerages. His recruits were people who were reliable voters but were sometimes excluded from the established social register--Jews, Irishmen and Asians. By 1993, McAuliffe had boosted ninefold the D.N.C.'s club...