Word: withdrawals
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Dates: during 1980-1989
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...making, or at least hinting at, concessions on all three issues. Last year the Kremlin removed one division from the Mongolian People's Republic, a Soviet satellite on China's border. In May Moscow began bringing its forces home from Afghanistan. The Soviets have also been nudging Hanoi to withdraw from Kampuchea...
...been enemies, the invading Vietnamese were initially welcomed as liberators. In the early years of the occupation as many as 200,000 Vietnamese troops were in Kampuchea, but the number had fallen to 120,000 by the beginning of this year. This past spring Hanoi announced that it would withdraw its troops completely by 1990, and last week's ceremony marked the departure of the top commanders. In a striking statistical footnote, Vietnamese officials admitted last week that they had lost 50,000 soldiers in Kampuchea since the 1978 invasion -- roughly the same number of Americans killed in Viet...
...that the country is physically too small and is too easily susceptible to bombing and blockade. On the other hand, some Japanese believe that the day may come when they will have no choice but to bolster their forces. "The Japanese are pragmatic people," says Kase. "If the Americans withdraw and the Philippines or Korea goes Communist, we could consider...
...American Baptists have been reexamining their abortion position for some time. Complaints from members about A.B.C.'s affiliation with the Religious Coalition for Abortion Rights eventually led the Baptists to withdraw from the lobby in 1986. A.B.C. leaders hope their new statement can help other denominations trying to reach the elusive compromise that will appease both sides. "They said it couldn't be done; it would blow us out of the water," says Gloria Marshall, who chaired the American Baptist task force that produced the compromise. "Now it's a model for other denominations on how to work together...
...Bank of Boston and at shareholder meetings of other firms that share directors with IP. The protests are only a small part, says Rogers, of the "transformation of the strike force into a powerful economic force." The real punch, he points out, will come from boycotts and threats to withdraw union funds from banks; only such actions will turn executives against IP. "I'd much rather see rich businessmen fight it out in the boardroom," Rogers says. "You can't embarrass them. You have to make them deal with real economic or political pressure." The question is whether the pressure...