Word: workers
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Dates: during 1970-1979
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...cycle of illiteracy, ignorance and poverty," he pledged to minority groups "no special status other than full-fledged responsibility in a government that is totally color blind." He established a Human Relations Advisory Commission to troubleshoot touchy racial problems, and hired as a top aide a young black social worker, James Clyburn. West also made a startling gesture for a South Carolina Governor by hailing the conviction (by an all-white jury) of three white men who overturned school buses in the strife-torn community of Lamar...
...tough Bedford-Stuyvesant section of Brooklyn, he grew up in awe of the policeman on the beat. "There was something about those shiny buttons, the white gloves, even the gun, that we all admired," he says. After two years of college and a year as a social worker, he joined the force in 1959. But Serpico never joined the club. He rarely spent off-duty time with coworkers, would not enter the "us and them" clannishness that leads many police to view all non-cops with some distrust. He invested eight years getting a B.A. in sociology at City College...
...Democratic worker, Rose insists she would have used the item regardless of Reagan's political affiliation. Her scoop has brought Rose several feelers for newspaper jobs when she graduates from Sacramento State next year, but it has also put her on the spot. Under...
...unrestrained liberalism, which exalts the individual beyond social obligations. He called for action, determined at a local level to meet specific situations, to bring about "modern forms of democracy" that combine equality with participation. Though he named no names or specific deeds-except for a favorable reference to worker priests-a source close to him gave some examples of what the Pope had in mind, and they are likely to inflame the existing debate over activism in the church...
Socialist Shoe Heels. By 1959, the Cuban worker had attained a standard of living equal to that of the U.S. worker in 1941-42. But Cuba's position as a U.S. partner, however profitable, was becoming emotionally intolerable not only to Castro but to masses of Cubans. "To choose to be free meant for many Cubans," says Thomas, "and above all for Castro, to act in a way most calculated to anger the U.S." Thomas agrees with those observers who say that it was no fondness for Communism but a galloping hatred of American power that led Castro toward...