Word: yorkers
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Dates: during 1960-1969
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...Yorker, I view the possibility of Mr. Procaccino's election [Oct. 3] as possibly the worst thing that could ever happen to New York City. All progress that has occurred in the city could be obliterated. Let all the "Cadillac conservatives" lend themselves to the struggle of helping our city, and may all of us soon view the dawn of the age of human tolerance...
BUTCH CASSIDY and the Sundance Kid is just barely a Western. It wavers between a New Yorker cartoon version of the Old West and an anti-hero extravaganza for a high school audience. Like a Charlie Chaplin movie, it serves up heaps of comedy and mayhem. The result is mostly successful. Director George Roy Hill has taken a tired theme (the outlaw as folk hero) and maintained it on a very high level of slapstick...
...reason Michael Arlen bothered to produce two years of weekly columns on TV for The New Yorker, and then publish the best of them as The Living Room War, is that one hundred million or more people feed on television daily. It hammers them like malleable gold; it takes and does not give; it bludgeons man, and voraciously relieves him of whatever sensitivity he timorously guards. Television has been described with varying enthusiasm as the great galvanizer, tranquilizer, hypnotizer, pacifier, stupefier, paralyzer, agitator, commentator, activator, adjudicator, erupter, corruptor. It provides a daily vindication of American technological genius, a daily spectacle...
...last June's primaries, both Procaccino and Marchi carried Brooklyn, Queens, The Bronx and Staten Island but lost Manhattan. Marchi entitled his campaign kickoff speech 'The Forgotten New Yorker." One of the catchy phrases Procaccino uses repeatedly is "the Manhattan arrangement." By that he means an alliance of the intellectuals, editors, broadcasting executives, businessmen and progressives of both major parties who oppose him. Lindsay, he says, is attempting to "pit the poor against the middle class, while he goes about the business of rebuilding Manhattan for the select few." Procaccino is waging the politics of class by the numbers, knowing...
Procaccino's average man and Marchi's forgotten New Yorker are of course political stereotypes. In flesh and blood terms, they are many people. Some live on meager incomes as pensioners, clinging to the frame houses that represent a lifetime's work. "People tend to forget," says Marchi, "that there are many poor white people." To the retired worker, or to the family living on $7,000 or $8,000 in the lower civil service ranks, a tax increase on their homes or an apartment rent rise is a grave threat to the stability of a small, precarious world. Second...