Word: yugoslav
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Dates: during 2000-2009
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...former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic been killed in the two-day standoff with Yugoslav authorities that preceded his arrest, the people of Yugoslavia would have never discovered the full extent of the horror and destruction of more than a decade of his rule. The crimes, both those committed against his own people and against others in the name of his people, would fail to receive proper attention in the absence of the principal perpetrator. The opportunity to use Milosevic’s trial as one of the building blocks of democracy in Yugoslavia and ethnic tolerance in the Balkans would...
...rhetoric of nationalism and hatred certainly served to inspire the atrocities committed in the name of the Serbian people across the Balkans, and specific evidence exists pertaining to his direct role in crimes against Kosovo Albanians. This evidence forms the basis of the Hague Tribunal indictment. But, as Yugoslav Ambassador to the U.S. Milan St. Protic emphasized in a recent speech at the Kennedy School, Yugoslav authorities are determined to add war crimes to Milosevic’s indictment at home. Trying Milosevic for war crimes in the country could help ease tensions in and around Kosovo. The new Yugoslav...
...Milosevic is extradited to The Hague, the full extent of the atrocities will never be known to a Yugoslav public that has been largely kept in the dark on the issue over the past decade. The Hague trial will be seen as simply a necessary concession to the international community, and a chance for catharsis of the Serbian national conscience will be lost...
...least it will be peaceful. Less than a year ago, threats by Djukanovic to hold a referendum raised fears of a new Balkan war. But while Yugoslav troops are still stationed in Montenegro, Kostunica affirmed this month that his government would not oppose secession - though he frankly finds it a bad idea. So does the rest of Europe, which fears the precedent in an already unstable region...
...real question about the impending split is why. As long as Milosevic was in power, Montenegrins had ample reason to distance themselves from the regime. But even with Milosevic in prison, Djukanovic insists there are good reasons to get out. One is size. Under a six-nation Yugoslav federation, Montenegro enjoyed equal status with the other republics. Today, says Djukanovic, real power sharing for the 650,000 Montenegrins is "an illusion." He asks: "How can you have an equal partnership if one partner is 18 times larger than the other...