Word: yugoslavic
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...rift was deep enough to keep the Yugoslav Communist Party congress in session until 2 a.m., denouncing the Cominform, on the night before a ten-nation Danube conference met in Belgrade. Marshal Tito turned his back on the Danube conference, dominated by the Russians, and went off to resume the vacation at Bled which had been interrupted by the Cominform attack on him. Belgrade's greeting to the Danubian delegates was notably cool-no outsize pictures of Soviet leaders, no special triumphal arches in the streets...
...long-standing charge that ECA was a U.S. plot to divide Europe, by urging "the greatest possible stimulation of trade" between Western and Eastern Europe (except for military items). He underlined his point by allotting ECA dollar credits for purchases in Czechoslovakia and Finland. Asked about Polish coal and Yugoslav lumber, Hoffman answered: "We want you to buy in Europe, whether or not it's behind the Iron Curtain...
...night of June 16 John secreted Bigart in a compartment, marked "reserved for invalids," of a train bound" for Macedonia. Next afternoon, at stocky, he was transferred to a battered UNRRA truck, and hidden under a tarpaulin. For the next eleven days, after dodging Yugoslav border patrols, he traveled by mule and on foot over rugged mountain trails, always in guerrilla hands, never sure that he would not meet the same fate as Polk...
This seemed to worry Tito not at all, nor his efficient security police. He let others do his talking. And while he kept cool-and safe-on an inaccessible island in the Adriatic, the Yugoslav comrades talked big and fast. They flatly rejected the Cominform charges as "slanders and fabrications," and countercharged conspiracy "to impair the prestige of the [Yugoslav] Communist Party." Fifteen thousand of them sent off a telegram to Comrade Stalin asking him to remove the "false accusations." The telegram was tied with baby-blue ribbons: "Long live our teacher of love toward the Soviet Union, Comrade Tito...
Peril of the Popular. How many comrades in the rowdy new "peoples' democracies" of Eastern Europe felt the same? In Warsaw the jittery Yugoslav Embassy had received a flood of congratulatory telegrams-unsigned. Good students of history, the men of the Kremlin must have heard other echoes: the names of Kossuth, Kosciusko and other heroes of national independence. Here was the sharp point of their dilemma. For the great incandescent fact of the "Affair Tito" was simply this: like Tito, many a non-Russian Red still wanted to think of himself as a Yugoslav, Pole, Czech or Hungarian...