Word: zeroed
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Dates: during 1980-1989
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...negotiations. They feared that limits intended to apply to aircraft in Europe might inhibit the U.S.'s freedom to station similar warplanes elsewhere in the world, even within the U.S. In the face of Perle's threat, the chiefs switched sides and reluctantly supported him on the zero option. Weinberger lobbied the President directly, suggesting that such a bold proposal might make Reagan a candidate for the Nobel Peace Prize...
...President's speech unveiling the zero option on Nov. 18, 1981, drew applause from both sides of the Atlantic and from all across the political spectrum. It seemed to many the perfect opening gambit. But within weeks, the West Europeans in general and the ruling West German Social Democrats in particular began expressing anxiety over whether other moves would follow. Haig assured the allied representatives who paraded through his office that "the proposal is being forwarded in good faith. We want a Soviet reaction to it. We are prepared to listen." Haig was inviting a Soviet counterproposal and clearly...
...after the INF talks opened in Geneva on Nov. 30, 1981, Perle testified before the Senate Armed Services Committee. He stressed that there was no middle ground between the zero option and full deployment of the 572 new American missiles called for in the December 1979 decision. He concluded his testimony with a quotation from the British statesman Samuel Hoare, reflecting ruefully on Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain's "slide into surrender" to Adolf Hitler at Munich in 1938. The comparison between Chamberlain in Munich and Nitze in Geneva was no less invidious for being implicit...
...Soviets, meanwhile, had developed their own version of the zero option. As put forward by their chief
...negotiator in Geneva, Yuli Kvitsinsky, "If the U.S. really wants to go to zero, the U.S.S.R. is prepared to go to zero too, retaining only what it needs to offset the British and French forces." That would mean needs to offset the British and French forces." That would mean retaining about 250 Soviet bombers and missiles, including at least 162 SS-20s, while the U.S. would still have to forgo entirely its Pershing IIs and Tomahawks...